An interesting argument here:
The initial calls for local councils to build and maintain homes arose
from the social movements that shook Britain at the beginning of the
last century.
Agreed, I also agree that it’s not a bad idea to have some part of the housing system subsidised so that those at the very bottom of the heap do indeed have somewhere to live.
There are nearly 3 million council tenants, and another 1.6 million on waiting lists.
Hhhm. Why so many waiting then?
But Kelly’s strategy for "helping [tenants] get on" is to see if she
can get away with scrapping lifelong secure tenancies and introducing
some sort of means test to force out working tenants.
Seems sensible enough. Sure, a helping hand when it’s needed, but why should one, say, 12 month period of needing such help then lead to a lifetime of taxpayer subsidy?
The main obstacle in the way is tenants with secure tenancies.
Again, seems sensible. Those 3 million in council housing would not all qualify to be so today. Those 1.6 million did, at least when they went on the waiting lists. Why shouldn’t this be a hand up not a hand out? Why shouldn’t those who need help get it at the expense of those who not longer do? After all, that’s the basis of our entire taxation system, isn’t it? That the rich take care of themselves and also pay for the poor?
But Hills pointedly insists he was not recommending the end of security
of tenure, or that tenants should lose their right to a home if they’re
lucky enough to improve their circumstances.
Seems sensible that they should. Why should people with money continue to have a public subsidy?
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